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In fact, as de Staël knows, it was Schelling who was more concerned with the arts. She attempts to explain why this should be so: “The ideal and the real hold, in his language, the place of intelligence and matter, of imagination and experience; and it is in the reunion of these two powers in complete harmony, that, in his opinion, the unique and absolute principle of the organized universe consists. The harmony, 21. , chap. 9: “La théorie littéraire des Allemands diffère des toutes les autres, en ce qu’elle n’assujettit point les écrivains à des usages ni à des restrictions tyranniques.

134) This means, of course, that Robinson provided de Staël with the summaries of German philosophy that she was to use in the “Troisième Partie” of De l’Allemagne (1810). From January 28 to February 19 he provided her with cogent and readily understandable summaries of Schelling’s aesthetics. He endeavored not only to demystify Schelling’s language but also to provide apt examples from contemporary poetry. ” Nevertheless, as he admitted to his brother, he gave her the “4 Dissertations” (including “On the Burwick Ch1 2/14/01 3:01 PM Page 23   '   Philosophy of Schelling” and “On the German Aesthetics”)9 that she had “forced” him to prepare.

Von Schelling, Briefe und Dokumente, 2:435–36. 4. Others have told parts of this story before me. On the origins and early use of the phrase l’art pour l’art, see Gene Bell-Villada, “The Idea of Art for Art’s Sake” and Art for Art’s Sake and Literary Life; Albert Cassagne, La Théorie de l’art pour l’art en France chez les derniers romantiques et les premiers réalists; Rose Frances Egan, “The Genesis of the Theory of ‘Art for Art’s Sake’ in Germany and England”; L. M. ” These accounts, although they acknowledge Kant as progenitor, do not trace the debt to A.

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